Identity: A real or packaged issue?

Speakers

As emerging separatism became a significant concern of the central government, a 'return of hearts' and establishing a Chinese national identity became the top priorities in addition to national security. Nevertheless, is 'identity' the root of political polarization and confrontation in recent years, or is it instead a framed articulation of various socioeconomic grievances and anxieties. On 30 April 2022, Prof. CHEUNG, Prof. LOH, and Mr. Tsang, who are experienced participants in Hong Kong's pre-1998 transition and post-1997 governance, sought to unravel the critical issues and myths.

Prof. CHEUNG first illustrated that due to the city's unique history, Hong Kong people lacked a clear and stable national identity before 1997. Although the locally born/raised generation originally had a strong Chinese identity, many of them became alienated from Mainland China after the Cultural Revolution. Moreover, the local culture and pride gradually formed because of the relatively more advanced social development compared to mainland China, Taiwan, and overseas Chinese society in the 1980s and 1990s.

After 1997, however, a Chinese national identity was still not firmly established among Hong Kong people because of a series of political controversies, e.g., the debate on the language of instruction, Article 23 legislation, electoral democracy, and the anti-extradition protests. Concurrent socioeconomic grievances, e.g., the lack of upward mobility and housing unaffordability, further exacerbated the issue. He further explained that the identity politics in Hong Kong may also be caused by fear, e.g., fear of the unknown, fear of the other, and fear of the future.

Second, Professor CHEUNG pointed out that overcoming several challenges may help disentangle the identity issue. The city must relaunch a purposeful community, establish a Chinese national identity while maintaining Hong Kong's international status, calibrate the level of self-administration and democracy, build a performance-based government, and define the city's core values.

Prof. LOH commented that the identity of Hong Kong people had always been contested. Hong Kong has been a blend of many things. People of different generations with different family histories may look at themselves differently. The 1960s and 1970s were the periods of economic rise in the West and the economic take-off of Hong Kong. Many companies in Hong Kong had deep business connections with western society. As a result, there was a perception that the West was the best. These are the periods that the whole generation of Hong Kong attached to the West.

From 1980 to 1997 were the years when Britain and China negotiated the future of Hong Kong. It was a period of deep confusion since Hong Kong people, to a vast extent, could not decide their own future. Only a small proportion of Hong Kong residents at that time were offered full British citizenship. Some Hong Kong families migrated to the U.K., Canada, Australia, and the U.S. During the 1990s, since employment opportunities were rare in the West and the Hong Kong economy was still growing, some migrants returned to Hong Kong.

During the decades after 1997, although Hong Kong people witnessed the second surge of China, there was no period of decolonization in the city. Hong Kong people were told that everything before 1997 could be carried on, as long as Hong Kong people are patriotic and recognize that Hong Kong is a part of China. In recent years, the deteriorating relationship between China and the U.S. and the revived contest between capitalism and socialism pose a new challenge to the city. Hong Kong people need to figure out how to see themselves as a part of China while carrying the value of democracy.

Mr. Tsang first analyzed the nature of the question - "Am I a Chinese or Hongkonger?". This could be a question when Hong Kong people respond to the customs officials in other countries. This could be a question that expects an emotional answer, i.e., "do I feel that I am Chinese". If this is the case, Hong Kong people have to consider the common qualities they share with other Chinese in other parts of the country, e.g., Shanghainese and Pekingese. This could also be a question that expects a utilitarian answer, i.e., "would I prefer to be a Chinese or Hongkonger?". In this case, people have to compare the privileges and rights that a Chinese or Hongkonger has against the corresponding duties. 

Mr. Tsang second commented that for "One Country, Two Systems" to work well, Hong Kong needs a strong sense of national identity. Moreover, national identity and patriotism are equivalent from the perspectives of the leaders in Beijing. He explained that according to the speech of Xia Baolong in 2021, patriotism means loving the People's Republic of China (PRC) and upholding the country's socialist system. Citing the Education Bureau Circular, he further illustrated that a sense of national identity includes understanding the nation's development in different aspects, e.g., history, economy, and technology.

Third, Mr. Tsang commented that whether Hong Kong will be governed by a highly autonomous administration depends very much on whether the central government is convinced that there is a strong sense of nationality among Hong Kong people.

(From left): Prof. Anthony CHEUNG, Prof. Christian LOH, Mr. Jasper Tsang Yok-sing